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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS 

~ IN 

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY 

Vol. 16, No. 2, pp. 29-45 March 29, 1919 



THE MATRILINEAL COMPLEX 



BY 
ROBERT H. LOWIE 



UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS 
BERKELEY 



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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS 



^ AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY 

<^ Vol. 16, No. 2, pp. 29-45 March 29, 191S 



THE MATRILINEAL COMPLEX 



EGBERT H. LOWIE 



Dr. Hartland has recently reopened discussion of a question which 
has for a number of years been regarded as closed by American 
ethnologists — the relative priority of matrilineal and patrilineal insti- 
tutions.^ It is always desirable to reexamine from time to time the 
fundamental conceptions of a science, and a challenge to accepted 
theories often leads to a remarkable illumination of basic principles. 
The main objection to Dr. Hartland 's essay on "Matrilineal Kinship 
and the Question of Its Priority" must rest not on his refusal to bow 
to the established American view, but on his inadmissible method of 
approach. 

Dr. Hartland defends two important propositions. In the first 
place, he believes that "normally and apart from a few exceptions 
that seem well established, kinship was originally reckoned on one 
side only" (p. 24). Secondly, he contends that descent through the 
mother regularly preceded descent through the father. The first of 
these contentions seems to me singularly ill-founded, inasmuch as we 
find almost uniformly that the tribes on the lowest level of civilization, 
whether Andaman Islanders, Sakai, or Plateau Shoshoneans, lack the 
unilateral mode of reckoning kinship. However, at present I am con- 
cerned solely with the second of Dr. Hartland 's propositions. 

But before entering into a discussion of his method of proof, I 
must deal with a matter of terminology. In America it has been 
customary of late to refer to matrilineal social units as "elans" and 
to patrilineal groups as ' ' gentes. ' ' This involves the unfortunate lack 
of a generic term for a unilateral group regardless of mode of descent. 
Moreover, such usage conflicts both with Lewis H. ]\Iorgan's use of 
gens in the generic sense, and the generic use of clan firmly established 



1 E. S. Hartland, Matrilineal Kinship and the Question of its Priority, Mem. 
Am. Anthr. Assoc, iv, 1-90, 1917. 



30 Unii-crsitt/ of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 16 

among English writers. In an elementary course on anthropology at 
the University of California, I eliminated these difficulties by con- 
sistently employing the term "kin" generically. and "mother-kin" or 
"father-kin" by way of specification. Since then, however. Drs. 
Goddard and Kroeber have i)ointed out the misleading connotations 
of tlie term kin when tcclmically restricted to the unihiteral (and 
normally exogamous) group. Accordingly. I will substitute the old 
term "sib," which has recently been resuscitated in Professor Phil- 
brick's translation of Huebner's History of Germanic Private Law. 

How, then, does Dr. Hartland establish the conclusion that existing 
father-sibs have grown out of mother-sibs, thus converting an observed 
simultaneity into a chronological sequence ? His own statements leave 
no doubt whatsoever as to his method of procedure. He determines 
first "what are the chief cliaracteristics of the matrilineal organization 
of society" (p. 7). This is accomplished "by taking a people in which 
that organization is exhibited in tlie full strength and ni)ting its 
peculiarities" (ihid.). When subsequently such features are en- 
countered in combination with patrilineal descent they are interpreted 
as "survivals of matrilineal polity" (p. 23). 

The logical error involved in this procedure is patent. Dr. Hart- 
land is obliged to introduce in the place of mere matrilineal descent, 
about which the discussion revolves, the very different concept of a 
matrilineal complex; and that complex he establishes not by empirical 
observation but by selecting a people in which it is supposed to be 
exhibited in its full strength. This estimate as to the vigor of matri- 
lineal organization is clearly arbitrary; Dr. Hartland has rational- 
istically constructed an organization such as might logically follow 
from matrilineal descent and then finds a few concrete illustrations 
of this purely a priori conception, from which in turn he deduces the 
traits of the mother-sib. The task of the critical ethnologist is very 
different. Starting from the one pivotal feature of maternal descent, 
he must establish by empirical observation what other features appear 
in combination with the mother-sib. This is the only pos-sibility of 
establishing the facts in the case. 

Now what are the traits which Dr. Hartland deduces as symp- 
tomatic t)f the typical matrilineal organizations? Essentially his 
enumeration (p. 10) coincides with Tylor's earlier statement.- 
According to both writers, the mother-sil), defined by matrilineal 
descent, is further distinguished by matrilocal residence; the inherit- 



2 Jour. Enthr. Inst., xvni, 252, 1880. 



^^'^.^ ' .^r■^- ' y^^ ' J■SsJ^ 



1919] Loirie: The ilatrilineal Complex 31 

ance of property within the sib ; and matrilineal authority vested more 
particularly in the mother's brother. In the present paper I shall 
discuss first the alleged correlation between matrilineal descent and 
matrilocal residence, and shall supplement this inquiry with a corre- 
sponding examination of the avunculate and matrilineal inheritance, 
two institutions which are best considered in conjunction. 

Starting our survey with North America, we find four regions with 
matrilineal descent — an appreciable part of the Atlantic population 
(embracing notably the Iroquois and the Southeastern tribes) ; three 
Northern Plains tribes, the Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow; the Pueblo 
Indians; and some of the Northwest Coast Indians. What are the 
ascertainable facts with reference to residence? 

As to the Iroquois, Morgan's statements are hardly sufficiently 
explicit, but they suggest that the bride took up her abode with the 
groom's relatives. Our author represents the bride as conducted to 
the home of her intended husband, where she presents some bread to 
her mother-in-law as proof of her domestic accomplishments, while 
the husband's mother returns some venison to the girl's mother "as 
an earnest of his ability to provide for his household. ' '^ On the other 
hand, the Southeastern tribes obviously practiced matrilocal residence 
to .some degree. Dr. John R. Swanton informs me that among the 
Creek the women stayed in one place and their husbands came there 
from other localities, the houses of women of the same clan being 
built in immediate proximity to one another. This scheme, according 
to the same authority, seems to have prevailed likewise among the 
Timucua of Florida. Similarly, the Choctaw men of Bayou Lacomb, 
Louisiana, lived in their wives' villages.* Among the Yuchi there was 
no obligatory rule. A woman normally left her home and the husband 
built a house for the new couple ; but ' ' sometimes the man goes to 
live with his wife's parents xmtil he is able to start for himself."'^ 

For the three Plains tribes the data are fairly definite. The 
IMandan youth often remained in his father-in-law's lodge, but fre- 
quently a new hut was constructed." Similarly the Hidatsa had no 
absolute rule, though in the hegimting the young couple generally 
remained with the wife's parents, the husband acting as their servant 



3L. H. Morgan, League of the Ho-de-no-saii-nee, Lloyd ed., i, 313, 1904. 

4 D. I. Bushnell, The Choctaw of Bayou Lacomb, St. Tammany Parish, Louis- 
iana, Bur. Am. Ethn., Bull. 48, p. 27, 1909. 

5 F. G. Speck, Ethnology of the Yuchi Indians, p. 95, 1909. Italics inserted 
by the author. 

6 Maximilian, Eeise in das innere Nord- America in den Jahren 1832 bis 1834, 
II, 128, 1839. 



32 University of California PiihJications in Am. Arch, and Etliii. [Vol. 16 

and hunter/ Among the Crow, on the other hand, wedkiek generally 
began with patrilocal residence.* 

The Pueblo Indians of Arizona and New Mexico form the classical 
example of matrilocal abode. Among the Hopi the house belongs to 
the woman, and the daughter after marriage lives with her husband 
under her mother's roof.® The identical scheme prevails among the 
Zufii^" and the Sia." But this is not the usage of the nomadic Navaho : 
"In the absence of the husband," say our most trustworthy authori- 
ties, "the mother pays her daughter an occasional visit."'- The 
Apache custom differs from this, yet without conform-ing to the Pueblo 
practice. "The young man lived with his father-in-law for sowe time 
and hunted for the support of the family."'^ 

There remain the Pacific Coast people. According to Krause. the 
Tlingit had both matrilocal and patrilocal unions, while Swanton's 
account strongly suggests the preponderance of the latter.'* The 
Haida data are unusually illuminating. A boy became engaged be- 
tween fifteen and eighteen and during the period of hetrothal he lived 
with his fiancee's family, working for them until his marriage. But 
at the wedding ceremony the father of the girl politely disparaged her 
abilities, adding that "he knew that her future mother-in-law would 
take care of her, he was glad that his daughter was going to live with 
the young man's sisters," etc'^ y^^ the Tsimshian we have recent 
information to the effect that "the In-ide is carried down to the canoe. 
and she departs with her husband to his village, where they live. If 
the groom belongs to the same village, the couple often stay with the 
girl's parents."'*^ 

The facts for North America are readily summarized. :\latrilocal 
residence in an unequivocal form exists only in two matronymic 
centers— among the Pueblo Indians and among the Creek. Elsewhere 
such practice is confined either to the earliest period of wedlock or the 
preceding condition of betrothal, and bears on its face the clearest 



- Lowie, Notes on the Social Organization and Customs of the Mandan, 
Hidatsa, and Crow Indians, p. 46, 1917. 

8 Lowie, Social Life of the Crow Indians, p. 223, 1912. 

9 W. Hough, The Hopi Indians, p. 127, 1915. 

10 M. C. Stevenson, The Zufii Indians, p. 30.5, 1904. 

11 M. C. Stevenson, The Sia, p. 22, 1894. 

12 The Franciscan Fathers, An Ethnologic Dictionary of the Xavaho Lan- 
o-uage, p. 449, 1910. 

13 p E Goddard, Indians of the Southwest, p. 162, 1913. 

14 A Krause, Die Tlinkit-Indianer, p. 220, 1885; Swanton, 2fith Ann. Rep. 
Bur. Am. Ethn.,'p. 428, 1908. ^ 

15 J. R. Swanton, Contributions to the Ethnology of the Haida, pp. oO, 51, 
1905. 

16 F. Boas, Tsimshian Mythology, p. 532, 1916. 



1919] Loicic: The MatrUiiieal Complex 33 

evidence of association with a rendering of services by way of com- 
pensation. IMoreover, patrilocal residence occurs among tribes with 
mother-sibs, and in a number of instances both modes of residence 
exist side by side without any suggestion that either is deemed 
preferable. 

It is very interesting to note that while mother-sibs are not in- 
frequently consistent with patrilocal residence, a patrilineal scheme 
or loose organization often appears with matriloeal residence or indi- 
cations thereof. Thus the Blaekfoot felt that the father-in-law was 
for a time entitled to part of the spoils of the chase and war, especially 
the latter.i' Similarly, without actual matriloeal residence, the Omaha 
husband labors on behalf of his father-in-law for the period of one or 
two years.i' With the Arapaho the new couple occupy indeed a tent 
of their own, but it is pitched by the lodge of the bride's father.^^ 
Cheyenne usage seems to be strictly parallel to that of the Arapaho.-"' 
Among the Gros Ventre a bridegroom often settled with his father- 
in-law." The Eastern Dakota practiced both customs with apparently 
equal frequency; and the same applies to the Assiniboine." Matri- 
loeal residence as a normal usage of the Eastern Cree is vouched for 
by some of the early travelers.^^ Finally may be cited some— though 
by no means all— of the Central Eskimo communities, where house- 
keeping regularly begins with the bride's family." 

This list, which could undoubtedly be materially increased, will of 
course be greeted by adherents of the good old school as so many 
symptoms of a former mother-sib scheme. An auxiliary hypothesis 
can always be framed to account for disconcerting facts. We, how- 
ever, are concerned here with ascertaining the empirical data without 
encumbering our statement with any questionable assumption; and 
accordingly, our survey establishes the indisputable fact that many 
matrilineal tribes practice patrilocal residence, while on the other 
hand, some form of matriloeal residence is frequently linked with 
father-sibs. 



17 C. Wissler, The Social Life of the Blaekfoot Indians, p. 10, 1911. 
IS A. C. Fletcher and F. La Flesehe, The Omaha Tribe, p. 324, 1911. 

19 A. L. Kroeber, The Arapaho, p. 12, 1902. 

20 E. S. Curtis, The North American Indian, vi, 157, 1911. 

21 Kroeber, Ethnology of the Gros Ventre, p. 180, 1908. 

22 S. E. Biggs, Dakota Grammar, Texts, and Ethnology, p. 20.5, 1893; Lowie, 
The Assiniboine, pp. 40, 41, 1909. 

23 A. Skinner, Notes on the Eastern Cree and Northern Saulteaux, p. 37, 
1911; Franklin, Journey to the Shores of the Polar Sea, m, Everyman's Library 
ed., p. 66. 

24 Boas, The Central Eskimo, p. 579, 1888. 



34 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ktlin. | \'ol. IG 

The conclusions reached for North America must be tested by data 
from other divisions of tlie j:!;lobe. Turning next to I\Ielanesia as one 
of tlie best studied regions of Oceania, we find that in the groups 
investigated by Codrington tlie young man regularly takes his wife to 
his own or to his father's house." To Dr. Rivers' Oceanian researches 
we are indebted for a quite general statement on the subject : 

. . . there is little doulit it is usual throughout Melanesia for a iiiarrieil 
eoujile to live with the husband's peoide. . . . There is thus evidence that even 
in the ]iart of Melanesia whicdi has social institutions of tlie most archaic kind, 
there is no association of niatrilocal marriage v^-ith niatrilineal descent. 26 

What is true for Melanesia holds so generally in Australia that 
Dr. Hartland is constrained to admit "the practically universal cus- 
tom of taking the wife to reside with her husband."-' 

Finally, we may consider the data from Africa. Unfin-tunately 
this still remains for sociological purposes the Dark Continent. At 
least I have failed to gain a comprehensive picture of rules of descent 
and residence and am obliged to present random findings. Tn that 
portion of the Ewe nation visited by Ellis matronymy was coupled 
with patrilocal abode.-* Of the Bantu the Bakongo are likewise 
matronymic and patrilocal.-" and this applies also to the Herero.^** 
The Ovambo differ from their neighbors inasmuch as female descent 
is here associated with a preliminary matrilocal residence during 
which the wife's parents are masters of the situation; liut when the 
young husband is alxjut t])irty he establishes a settlement of his own 
and gains his independence. ■■' Finally, I may cite the Makonde case 
from East Africa, where a young man marries his maternal uncle's 
daughter and lives near her father. '^ 

We may now summarize our total results. The Australian and 
Melanesian facts lend no support whatsoever to the theory that 
maternal descent is regularly accompanied by the matrilocal factor. 
The African and American data are slightly more favorable but by no 
means warrant the dictum that matrilocal residence is a symptom of 
matronymy. 



25 E. H. Codrington, The Melanesians, pp. 238ff., 1891. 

26 W. H. E. Elvers, The History of Melanesian Society, n. 126, 1914. 
2" Hartland, op. cit., p. 65. 

28 A. B. Ellis, The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa, 
pp. 157, 207, 1890. 

29 A. Weeks, Among the Primitive Bakongo, pp. 145-147, 1914. 
sow. Schinz, Deutseh-Siidwest-Afrika, pp. 163, 172, 1891. 
silbid., pp. 304, 311. 

32 K. Weule, Negerleben in Ostafrika, p. 383, 1909. 



]()19] Loirie: The MatrUiiical CompUr 35 

This t'onelusion does uot oblige us to abandon altogether Trior's 
suggestion that mode of residence is connected with rules of deseent.^^ 
Possibly in a number of instances the retention of a girl by her family 
after the Ilopi and Ziuli fashion led to reckoning her children as 
members of the group of the house owner. But since that retention 
is so rarely protracted beyond the initial stage of wedlock, the 
hypothesis, with all its seductive plausibility, seems to be of limited 
applicability. Perhaps it would be better to divide sharply cases of 
permanent and of temporary abode with the woman's kindred. We 
might then find that the former category is uniformly, or nearly so, 
associated with matronymy. But in what part of the world except 
the southwest of North America and possibly the Khasi of Assam does 
permanent matrilocal residence occur? At present it therefore seems 
best to lump together all our cases under a single heading and make 
some estimate of the strength of the tested correlation. There is so 
much difficulty in weighting our geographical units and the distinction 
between temporary and permanent matrilocal residence that I will 
refrain from venturing on a mathematical computation. But as a 
guess I should say that the coefficient, instead of approximating one 
hundred per cent would be much nearer to ten per cent on the most 
favorable view of the case. 

Let us next turn to the customs embraced luider the term 
" a^oinculate. " In what sense is it possible to treat these as symp- 
tomatic of the matrilineal complex? That is, to what extent are 
mother-sibs connected with avuncular authority or an altogether dis- 
tinctive relationship between mother's brother and sister's son? 

The avunculate in North America is described by INIorgan in a 
significant passage : 

He is, practically, rather more the head of his sister's family than his 
sister's husband. . . . Amongst the Choctas, for example, if a boy is to be placed 
at school his uncle, instead of his father, takes him to the mission and makes 
the arrangement. An uncle, among the Winnebagoes, may require services of 
a nephew, or administer correction, which his own father would neither ask 
nor attempt. In like manner with the lowas and Otoes, an uncle may appro- 
priate to his own use his nephew's horse or his gun, or other personal property, 
without being questioned, which his own father would have no recognized right 
to do. But over his nieces this same authority is more significant, from his 
participation in their marriage contracts, which, in many Indian nations, are 
founded upon a consideration in the nature of presents. s* 



33 .Tour. Anthr. Inst., xviii, 258, 1880. 

3+L. H. Morgan, Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity, p. 158, 1871. 



36 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethu. [Vol. 16 

With reference to the AVinnebago, ^lorgan's statement has since 
been verified and supplemented. 

A man can take liberties with his maternal uncle which are exjjressly 
prohibited with his paternal uncle and aunt and his maternal aunt. Yet in 
spite of this freedom a man and his maternal uncle stand in particularly close 
relationship, the former always acting? in the capacity of a servant. On the 
war-path, particularly, this relationship is shown in its strongest jihase, for 
then the nephew . . . must accompany him as a sort of esquire and suffer himself 
to be slain should his maternal uncle ... be slain or eaptured.^s 

According to a remark of Tom Bear to the present writer, the 
Winnebago nephew may appropriate any part of his uncle's property. 
For another Siouan tribe we likewise possess corroborative data. 
Among the Omaha the nephew was permitted to jest familiarly with 
his uncle; on the other hand the maternal uncle had full control of 
the children after the parents' death and even during their lifetime 
was "as alert as their father to defend the children or to avenge a 
wrong done them.''^" Unpublished data by Murie indicate like usages 
among the neighboring Pawnee, while Skinner's observations indicate 
that the Menomini have a usage somewhat similar to the Winnebago.^'' 

Now it should be noted that of all the examples of the avunculate 
cited above, the only one to the point is that of the Choctaw. All the 
other tribes mentioned are either patrilineally organized or, as in the 
Pawnee case, lack a definite sib system. If, instead of looking for 
evidences of peculiar avuncular relations, Ave correlate mother-sibs and 
the avunculate we get the following results. Among the Iroquois 
there is no evidence of the avunculate, while for the southeastern 
peoples we have Morgan's statement as to the Choctaw. In the 
Northern Plains group traces of the custom are lacking. Southwestern 
tribes vary in their practices. In the Ilopi household the mother's 
brother certainly plays an important role, especially with reference 
to ceremonial matters; and this remark applies equally to the Tewa 
enclave in Hopiland.^* On the other hand, I can find no indications 
that corresponding customs are shared by the Navaho or even the 
Zuiii. The one perfect illustration of the avunculate in connection 
with maternal descent in North America is furnished bv the North 



35 P. Eadin, Am. Anthr., n.s. xii, 213, 214, 1910. 

36 J. O. Dorsey, 3d Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Ethn., pp. 265, 270, 1884; Fletcher and 
La riesche, ibid., 27th Ann. Rep., p. 323, 1909. 

37 Skinner, Social Life and Ceremonial Bundles of the Menomini Indians, 
p. 20, 1913. 

38 The writer's observations; B. W. Freire-Marreeo, Am. Anthr., n.s. xv., 
281, 282, 1914. 



1919], Lowie: The MatriUncal Complex 37 

West Coast tribes, where the nephew lives with his uuele, works for 
him, marries his daughter (or, it may be, his widow) and is regarded 
as his successor.^'' 

Some tendency for avuncular customs to appear with matronymy 
is thus apparent, but in other cases they are lacking; and they even 
appear with father-sibs. Since we are interested in an empirical 
determination of the facts, the popular theory of survivals as to the 
last mentioned group of cases is inapplicable as it was in our parallel 
findings with reference to residence. 

Turning from America to Melanesia, we have abundant evidence 
of the avunculate among those natives of this region who have been 
most thoroughly studied. For example, we find that in the Banks 
Islands the nephew obeys his maternal imcle more readily than his 
father and treats him altogether with greater reverence; at one time 
he was, indeed, the legitimate heir of his possessions and was even 
entitled to appropriate whatever he desired of such property during 
his uncle's lifetime. Similar customs are noted in the New Hebrides 
and Torres Islands, but it is not a little remarkable that the highest 
development of relevant usages is represented by the vasu institutions 
of the non-matronymic Fijians.*" "When we discover a hardly less 
pronounced avunculate among the Polynesian Tongans and distinct 
traces of the custom among the Saraoans, our knowledge of tribal 
relations suggests an interpretation very different from that of current 
survivalist dogmatism. If Fiji forms one center of diffusion for the 
practice, then its relative strength in Tonga and Samoa is precisely 
what we should expect on the theory of borrowing. In short, the 
Tongans and Samoans display avuncular features not because they 
ever passed through a matrilinear stage but because they have been 
in contact with a people where the avunculate flourished to an exces- 
sive degree. 

It would. I think, be rash to deny categorically that in certain parts 
of jMelanesia where mother-sibs are not observable avuncular practices 
are survivals of a one-time matrilineal system. This may even apply 
to Fiji, though this seems more problematical. However, it is worth 
while to contrast survivalist logic as applied to the ]\Ielanesian and 
the North American field. In Melanesia we find definitely matrilineal 
peoples practicing avuncular customs in logical consonance with their 
social organization. Consequently, when other members of the same 



33 Boas, 31st Ann. Eep. Bur. Am. Ethn., p. 42-5, 1916. 
■io Elvers, The History of Melanesian Society, i, 37, 204, 
160. 



38 Vniversity of California Publications in Atn. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 16 

linguistic and cultural group show these customs without the fre- 
quently associated type of organization it is not improbable that that 
type once existed where it is no longer observed. But the North 
American case differs foto coeJo from this. In the Siouan family, for 
example, it is precisely the itiatrilineal groui)s that lack, and the 
patrilineal ones that exhibit, avuncular features; and the same applies, 
if we sliift the comparison, from the Siouan stock to the Plams culture 
area. Tlie logic of the two cases is thus very different. Altogether 
I may register my opinion that ^lelanesia is the one part of the globe 
w^here the substitution of a patrilineal for a matrilineal system has 
been fairly well established. 

In theoretical discussions of social organization, data from Aus- 
tralia play a ludicrously disproportionate part. No doubt the psycho- 
logical effect wrought by a thick as compared with a moderately sized 
volume and by books issued from the press of commercial publishers 
as contrasted with the. monographs due to scientific institutions is 
largely to blame. However tliis may be. it cannot be too vehemently 
or too often stated that our knowledge of the i.sland continent is 
extremely inadequate. Spencer and Gillen give us satisfactory infor- 
mation on two or at most three tribes; while Ilowitt's work is for the 
most part a i>ioneer's compilation, commendable a.s a first skimming 
of the ground, but hardly more. To be sure. Roth's studies on 
Queensland are excellent and A. R. Brown's researches in West 
Australia give promise of what trained inquirers will ultimately 
achieve. But altogether Australia is remarkably little known and the 
theorizer would do well to wait for the field worker's garnering of 
facts. Accordingly, it is not possible to give a comprehensive view of 
the maternal uncle's place in Australian society. That in various 
communities definite social functions belong to him. is certainly true; 
but these are not limited by any means to matrilineal groups, and on 
the other hand similar functions go with entirely different relation- 
ships. I find no trace of matrilineal inheritance or succession to 
office, and the only suggestion of avuncular authority reported from 
matronymic groups Mes in the right of betrothal exercised by the 
mother's brother over his niece among the Dieri and two or three even 
less known tribes.*^ Of the altogether unique avuncular relationship 
recorded, for example, among the Tlingit. the Banks Islanders, and the 
Thonga, nothing seems to be known in Australia. 



41 X. A\'. Tlioiii;is, Kinship Oi-fjanizations and Gi-ou|i ^farriage in Australia, 
p. 22, ]!)06. 



1919] I.oirie: The MalriUiicul Complex 39 

Filially we may turn to Africa. Avuncular institutions have been 
recorded from various parts of this continent and doubtless from 
many tribes besides those for which I have found definite data. Of 
the Southern Bantu the Herero have matrilineal inheritance in such 
a form that while the brother of the deceased is the first claimant, the 
sister's son becomes heir in the absence of brothers.*- For two of the 
eastern tribes we have very specific data. With the Yao inheritance 
is from uncle to sister's son, while among the Makonde we find in 
addition that the mother's brother must grant his consent to a girl's 
marriage and is entitled to' a portion of the bride price. *^ The Bakongo 
regard a woman's eldest brother as master of her children, while the 
nephews succeed to the uncle's property and, brothers failing, to his 
office.** In Upper Guinea the Anglo-Ewe grant greater prerogatives 
as to children to the maternal uncle than to the father.*^ Since the 
nephew is the heir apparent his uncle expects in return adequate work 
during his lifetime. The boy must accordingly accompany the uncle 
on his travels, carrying provisions, cowrie shells and objects for 
barter. Incidentally he acquires the art of trading, the technique of 
weaving, and other useful accomplishments. 

Here we are again confronted, however, with the fact that insti- 
tutions identical or very similar flourish in equal measure among 
sibless or patronymic groups. Thus, the relations between mother's 
brother and sister's son are peculiarly intimate in the Hottentot 
country — closer than any except those obtaining between parents and 
children. To be sure, there has not been observed any matrilineal 
inheritance rule, but the uncle is at liberty to appropriate any of his 
nephew 's damaged property, while the sister 's son indemnifies himself 
by freely seizing perfectly uninjured possessions of his uncle. For 
example, while a man had taken his nephew's horse, which had 
defective hoofs, the young man coolly appropriated by way of com- 
pensation a milch cow, her calf, and ten goats.*" The altogether 
unique position of the malum e in Thonga society has become familiar 
through Junod's fascinating account. Here the mother's brother lays 
claim to a portion of the bride price and plays an important part in 
ceremonial activities, while the nephews exercise t"as«-like privileges, 



*2 Sehinz, op. cit., p. 178. 

•*3 Weule, Wissenschaftliehe Ergehnisse nieiner ethnographischen Forschungs- 
reise in den Sudosten Deutsch-Ostafrikas, pp. -58, 96, 97, 124, 1908. 

-** Weeks, op. cit., p. 107. 

45 G. Hartter, Sitten und Gebrauehe der Angloer, Zeitsehr. f. Ethn., xxxvm, 
4.3, 1906. 

4«L. Schultze, Aus Namaland und Kalahari, p. 303, 1907. 



r 



40 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 16 

being permitted to appropriate his food, and may even inherit one of 
his wives.*' With the presumably Ilamitic Nandi the maternal uncle 
must give his consent before the boy is svibjected to circumcision or 
other bodily mutilations ; he normally receives a cow when his nephew 
has imdertaken a successful raid ; and his curse is believed to have the 
most deadly effect. "The most terrible thing that can happen to a 
Nandi is to displease his maternal uncle. ' '*^ 

Summing up the facts relating to the avuneulate. we are again 
driven to the conclusion that a ten per cent correlation probably is all 
that can be demonstrated on empirical grounds. For an empirical 
proof of Dr. Hartland 's contentions, the avuncular institutions are too 
frequently lacking in matronymic communities, they are far too fre- 
quently combined with a patrilineal scheme. It is only by assuming 
beforehand the theory that is to be proved, that the latter group of 
data can be construed into tlie opposite of their face value. 

As a matter of fact, no less than three distinct alternatives to the 
survival theory suggest themselves with reference to the avuncular 
customs when imbedded in a patrilineal complex. In the first place, 
instead of pointing to a pristine matrilineal society they may merely 
represent borrowed elements dissociated from the particular matri- 
luaeal context that occurs in a neighboring group. I have already 
illustrated this assumption with IMelanesian data. An additional 
example is furnished by a Papuan tribe. The Kai are not divided 
into exogamous sibs of any kind, yet a keen missionary observer notes 
that maternal uncles are entitled to the bride price and continue to 
exercise control over their niece ; that, moreover, while siTCcession to 
chieftainship is from father to son, the sister's son takes office when 
issue is lacking.*^ IMatronymic tribes possessing the characteristic 
features found occur in such close proximity to the Kai that trans- 
mission readily accounts for the phenomena. 

The second alternative has been suggested by Dr. Rivers. "Where 
the avuneulate is linked with cross-cousin marriage of the more 
common type, the question arises whether the altogether peculiar 
relationship between uncle and nephew does not simply result from 
that between a man and his prospective son-in-law. It is not difficult 
to understand that a very special bond would unite a boy with the 
father of his future wife. This explanation is naturally of restricted 
application but merges into an interpretation of generalized type. 



47 H. A. Junod, Life of a South African Tribe, i, 44, 226, 253, 212, 255, 2( 
1912. 

48 A. C. Hollis, Tlie Nandi, p. 94, 1909. 

40 C. Keysser in Neuhauss, R., Deutseh-Neu-Guinea, iii, 85-89, 100, 1911. 



1919] Lou-ie: The MatrUineal Complex 41 

In almost every case where primitive tribes have been exhaustively 
studied it has been found that various relationships are associated 
with definite rights and duties. The avuncular relationship forms 
only 02ie of a whole series of more or less analogous relationships 
and must be so viewed lest its importance be grossly exaggerated. 
Thus we find that among the "typically" matrilineal Hopi the naming 
of a child is a prerogative of the father's female relatives. Is this a 
survival of some earlier patrilineal society subsequently superseded by 
present conditions through some Amazonian coup d'etat f We might 
easily contribute to the stock of anthropological romance by develop- 
ing this hypothesis in some detail and should only be employing the 
type of logic popular among advocates of matrilineal priority. Or 
are we perchance face to face with a transitional condition through 
which the Hopi are beginning to grope towards father-right? No 
assumption could be less founded in reason. The Hopi are as 
matronymic and avuncular as they ever were; and the chances are 
that the naming custom is as old as any of these other institutions. 

Similar facts may be cited for the Hidatsa and Crow. With these 
strictly matronymic peoples the paternal relatives nevertheless play 
a perfectly definite part in the individual's social life. A Crow treated 
his father's brothers and other clansmen with respect and regularly 
invited them to feasts. When an occasion arose for giving away 
presents, the father's brothers and sisters were considered as recipients 
before every one else. When a man returned from a successful raid, 
he gave away some of his horses to a father's clansman. The sons 
and daughters of a father's clansman were the joking-relatives pos- 
sessed of altogether distinctive privileges. Nicknames were derived 
from the actions of a father's clansman, and so might be also names 
of honor. The father 's clansmen rejoiced over a young man 's success 
in war and would chant laudatory songs. Among the closely related 
Hidatsa the number of patrilineal functions is even greater. In 
addition to practically all the above mentioned usages we find the 
father's clan -mates conducting the funeral and bestowing new names; 
while in the series of graded societies individuals purchased regalia 
from a father's clan-mate. The emphasis on the father's side of the 
family is so strong among these two tribes that it might plausibly be 
exploited on behalf of the hypothesis that the Crow and Hidatsa 
were once organized into father-sibs. 

The real explanation is, of course, quite different. In his discus- 
sion with McLennan, Lewis H. Morgan pointed out the misleading 
implications of the phrase "kinship through females only." Every 



42 University of California I'ubUralioiis in Am. Arch, and Etliti. \ Vol. 16 

tribe, lie sliowed, regardless of the mode of deseeiit, reeog'iiize.s kinship 
in both lines, as their nomenclature clearly demonstrates. Now this 
purely terminological contention of ]\Iorgan's admits of wider applica- 
tion. Not only do people uniformly recognize the existence of bilateral 
relationsliips by an appropriate nomenclature, but they further assign 
definite duties and privileges to both sides of the family. Thus, it 
happens that the matrilineal Crow show a peculiar regard for the 
father's clan-mates, while various patroiiyinie tribes assign peculiar 
functions to the mother's brother. A more thoroughgoing investiga- 
tion in the field will reveal innumerable social functions dependent on 
a special type of relationship, patrilineal or matrilineal, by blood or 
by marriage. The avunculate cannot be appraised rightly except as 
a special case of a very general tendency to associate definite social 
relations with definite forms of kinship regardless of maternal or 
paternal side. 

The explanation here offei-ed may be supplemented by discussing 
one that seems to have commended itself to some legal historians. 
Thus, Huebner in rejecting the survivalist theory of the avunculate 
for Germanic law writes: 

. . . the special honor of the maternal-uucle may have been merely a con- 
sequence of the fact that the maternal kindred came, in time, to be considered 
along with the paternal, who were at first exclusively regarded; in other words, 
a consequence of the fact that the family's purely agnatic structure was re- 
placed by a cognatic organization. In this appearance of the idea of eognatic 
relationship, which transformed in the same manner the family and the sib . . . , 
the maternal uncle naturally played the most important role: he was the link 
between the families of the father and the mother, and he was primarily the 
person upon whom was incumbent, as the representative of the maternal sib, 
the protection of the wife as against her husband. so 

My comment on this would simply be that it is unnecessary to assume 
the seqiience from agnatic to eognatic institutions : matronymy is 
perfectly consistent with the assignment of definite functions to the 
father 's group and patronymy is equally consistent with the avunculate. 
This point of view, combined with transmission and the influence of 
cross-cousin marriage, accounts in my opinion, for the vast majority 
of recorded avuncular institutions, though I am (luite willing to admit 
that there is a slightly greater probability for the avunculate to be 
coupled with matronymy than with patronymy. The case might be 
favorable for a higher degree of correlation if we could disengage 
instances of borrowing from those where the custom has sprung up 



R. Huebner, History of Germanic Private Law, p. 590, 1018. 



191i)] Lowie: The Malrilincal Complex 43 

spontaneously, bnt this we are unfortnnately not able to do except by 
specixlation. Yet even so, the correlation wonld prove more involved 
than if the avnnculate were simply a corollary of the matronymic 
institution. That is to say, it is not matronymic tribes, but matronymic 
tribes of a particular type, that seem to form a favorable soil for the 
evolution of avuncular customs. The absence of such customs among 
the Australians and their development in Africa, Melanesia, and the 
settled tribes of North America indicate that possibly there is a 
multiple correlation with matronymy and a settled mode of existence. 
On the other hand, it may turn out that matriloeal residence is also 
largel.y involved. In short, instead of saying that matrilineal societies 
tend to give rise to the avuncular usages, we may ultimately come to 
make the statement that the coefficient of correlation for the avuncu- 
late with sedentary tribes that are both matrilineal and matriloeal is 
.75; that the coefficient for nomadic matrilineal tribes is .05; while 
for nomadic patrilineal and patrilocal peoples it approximates zero. 
But these are merely suggestions thrown out to stimulate further 
research. 

It should be noted that the avunculate involves an interesting 
problem in diffusion. There are certainly very noteworthy resem- 
blances, for example, between the Banks Islands, the Tlingit, and the 
Bantu forms of the practice. If we assume with the extreme dif- 
fusionist school that no cultural feature can arise independently in 
two distinct parts of the globe, the matter is very simple. In that 
case we should postulate that the avunculate developed once among 
tlie Banks Islanders, for instance, and was thence transmitted to 
Africa and America and wherever else its observed range of distri- 
bution may extend. For all we could tell its origin would be an 
accidental occurrence since ex hypothesi it represents a unique phenom- 
enon. No matter what may have been its concomitants we are in no 
position to manipulate them so as to separate factors that helped 
from those which hindered its evolution. Any suggestion as to causal 
connections would thus necessarily remain arbitrary, that is, unamen- 
able to any mode of verification. 

The matter stands very differently if we accept the view current in 
America that similar cultural features may arise independently in 
unconnected areas. In this case an irrepressible logical instinct leads 
us to posit like conditions as underlying like observed effects. The 
similarity of avuncular usages in Melanesia and North America then 
appears as the probable, if not inevitable, consequence of like con- 



lyffii&iim.^^ja-'- ' A^jM^j.yfe^^^ 



44 University of California Puolications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [\ ol. 16 

eomitant eireumstanees, and it becomes the duty of the ethnologist 
to ascertain what are the significant concomitants. If the avuncnlate 
is, mathematical!}^ speaking, a function of a series of features includ- 
ing matronymj', its occurrence in geographically and historically 
distinct communities ceases to puzzle, provided the same correlates 
are alwaj's associated with it. Practically the matter would .stand 
thus. Independent development would be postulated for the discon- 
nected areas of the globe. These would not be determined once and 
for all time by abstract geographical speculation, nor by general 
cultural considerations, but until exclusive reference to the one trait 
under discussion. For example, in a certain sense all of the New 
World forms a cultural unit. But this fact is negligible for the 
aAainculate when we find it among the Haida on the one hand and the 
Hopi on the other. There is no possible way to account for the 
absence of the custom in the immense intervening area except to 
assume that it never existed there. In other words, the Hopi avuncu- 
late represents one independent evolution, the Northwest Coast 
parallel another. "When such primary centers become foci for the 
transmission of the avunculate witliout at the same time transmitting 
the correlated traits, we are likely to find the observed facts of dis- 
tribution — great resemblance between disconnected groups sharing 
certain features besides the avunculate, and the occurrence of the 
avunculate in other localities which lack all the essential correlates for 
the independent evolution of the avunculate, but are in geographical 
proximity to localities that have developed it. 

To return to the general problem for a summary of results based 
on an empirical survey. The theory of a matrilineal society which 
by some necessity produces out of itself a series of features whose 
presence in turn may be used to establish the existence of such a 
society in the present or past is untenable. It ignores two vital groups 
of empirical phenomena — the frequent absence of the supposed 
symptoms among undoubtedly matrilineal peoples, and the enormous 
extent of borrowing, which accounts far more satisfactorily than the 
survival hypothesis for the occurrence of the avunculate amidst 
patrilineal institutions. Some degree of correlation between matronymy 
and matrilocalism or the avunculate may be accepted, but everything 
points to the conclusion that the connection is a far more intricate 
one than is commonly supposed. Here again discrimination is a 
prerequisite to a sane envisaging of the problem. The degree of 
correlation need not be the same for all of the supposed constituents 



1919] Lowie: The Malrilineal Coinplex 45 

of the matrilineal complex; in fact, all probability is to the contrary. 
For those with whom the a priori plausibility of the matrilineal com- 
plex theory in its classical form still weighs heavily, a brief historical 
retrospect is recommended. The earliest theoretical treatise on 
matronymy interpreted the feature as a sign of the matriarcJiate. 
Nothing could have been more plausible ; for what more naturally 
accounts for matrilineal descent than female ascendancy ? Yet in the 
face of a truly overwhelming mass of negative evidence the followers 
of Bachofen have long ago abandoned the conception of the matri- 
archate as a necessary or even common correlate of matronymy. In 
proportion as supposedly matriarchal tribes have become better known, 
the "mother-rule" has shrunk into certain property rights held by 
women (Hopi, Khasi), or certain social and political prerogatives 
(Iroquois). The correlation of these comparatively meager privileges 
with matronymy may possibly be expressed b^' a coefficient of .01, 
though I seriously question whether it is nearh^ so strong. A priori 
reasonableness can accordingly not take the place of empirical facts. 
Let us study what sociological traits are actually linked together, and 
we shall then have something to contribute to the problem of the 
matrilineal complex. 



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